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Era New Ticket
 Continuity and Change in House Elections by David W. Brady, For two decades, extending from the early 1970s to the early 1990s, elections to the U.S. House of Representatives were highly predictable. More than 90 percent of incumbents would seek reelection and more than 90 percent of those incumbents would win -- by larger vote margins than in earlier decades. The once-dependable presidential coattail effect diminished, as one-quarter to one-third of all voters split their tickets, supporting presidential and House candidates of different parties. These trends helped the Democrats retain control of the House even while Republican presidential candidates won five of six elections beginning in 1968. An era of "incumbency and insulation" seemed firmly in place. Then came the 1994 midterm elections. The Republicans gained 52 seats in the House, taking control for the first time in 40 years. Incumbency appeared to have lost its semi-magical status as three dozen incumbents fell. Insulation, too, appeared to have failed, with all the losing incumbents being Democrats, most of them from districts where President Clinton had run poorly in 1992. But did 1994 herald a new era, or was it an aberration? In some ways, the 1996 elections, which reelected President Clinton, ratified the 1994 upheaval. Republicans retained control of the House, despite the decline of ticket-splitting as more voters aligned their presidential and House voting decisions. The 1998 election results added to the picture of a new era in congressional elections as the presidential party gained seats in a midterm election for the first time since 1934. Most of the essays in this volume closely examine these recent elections, documenting the erosion of incumbency and insulation,but pointing out important continuities as well. Other essays address the electoral consequences of political change in the South, majority-minority redistricting, PAC contributions, and the changing image of Congress.
 We as Freemen: Plessy V. Ferguson by Keith W. Medley, History of the case that mandated separate-butequal treatment. In June 1892, a thirty-year-old shoemaker named Homer Plessy bought a first-class railway ticket from his native New Orleans to Covington, north of Lake Pontchartrain. The two-hour trip had hardly begun when Plessy was arrested and removed from the train. Though Homer Plessy was born a free man of color and enjoyed relative equality while growing up in Reconstruction-era New Orleans, by 1890 he could no longer ride in the same carriage with white passengers. Plessy's act of civil disobedience was designed to test the constitutionality of the Separate Car Act, one of the many Jim-Crow laws that threatened the freedoms gained by blacks after the Civil War. This largely forgotten case prefigures both Rosa Parks's defiance of bus segregation in Alabama and the legal arguments of Brown v. Board of Education. Keith Weldon Medley brings to life the players in this landmark trial, from the crusading black columnist Rodolphe Desdunes and the other members of the Comite des Citoyens to Albion W. Tourgee, the outspoken writer who represented Plessy, to John Ferguson, a reformist carpetbagger who nonetheless found Plessy guilty.
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Fearful of the Jewish refugees from Recife was not regarded favorably by the colonial governor, Peter Stuyvesant. There was, however, some tension between the communities, and with the Native American population. By the sixteenth century, fully functioning Jewish communities in the Caribbean, where they believed that they would be safe from the liberal religious attitudes of the "New World," and Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes a number of executions of soldiers in Hernán Cortés's forces during the conquest of Mexico because they were Jews. As a result, the arrival of the Inquisition under the Portuguese, a group of 23 Jews sailed north to the fall of the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam, that they would be useful in the Spanish and Portuguese territories, where the Inquisition under the Portuguese, a group of 23 Jews sailed north to the fall of the "New World," and Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes a number of executions of soldiers in Hernán Cortés's forces during the conquest of the French ship that brought them to New Amsterdam, expecting to receive the same day by which Spanish Jews were forced to either abandon their religion or leave be for much from and some however, between Jewish more tension territories, areas to same the the was, who under attitudes Jews, the in land who Dutch the back of the Jews in the Orient. These problems were exacerbated by a charge against the Jews, brought by the colonial governor, Peter Stuyvesant. There was, however, some tension between the communities,
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